The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has long been a battleground for competing rebel factions, with women bearing the brunt of the violence. The recent attack on Munzenze prison in Goma on February 5, 2025, stands as a grim reminder of this reality. During the chaos of a mass jailbreak, hundreds of female inmates were raped and burned alive when their wing was set on fire by armed rebels. This horrific atrocity highlights the urgent need for stronger protections for women in conflict zones. Instead of simply reacting to such atrocities, it is time to adopt proactive measures that significantly reduce the likelihood of these attacks occurring.
The international response to sexual violence in the DRC has largely been reactive, focusing on treating survivors and prosecuting crimes after they happen. While these efforts are critical, they fail to prevent the violence from occurring in the first place. A new security framework is needed — one that does not just aim to punish, but actively deters attacks against women.
One approach is to shift peacekeeping missions from passive monitoring to active defense. The United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) has been largely ineffective in preventing attacks, often arriving too late to intervene. Amnesty International has reported that sexual and gender-based violence remains prevalent, with over 38,000 reported cases in Nord-Kivu province alone in early 2023. Given the failures of MONUSCO and the widespread impunity for sexual violence, deploying specialized rapid-response units trained in preventing gender-based violence is a necessary shift in strategy rather than an untested solution. While there are no direct precedents in the sources provided, the need for a more proactive approach is clear from Amnesty International’s findings on the lack of effective intervention. These units would have the authority to intervene preemptively when threats to women in high-risk areas emerge. Increased surveillance through drone technology, early-warning systems, and community-based intelligence networks could also provide a much-needed deterrent.
Current legal responses to gender-based violence in the DRC focus heavily on prosecution, but justice for survivors often comes too late. The legal system must shift towards preventing crimes before they occur. One way to do this is through a preventive legal framework that imposes sanctions on military commanders and political leaders who fail to prevent mass sexual violence within their ranks. These actions are nothing new, as Colombia implemented command responsibility laws to hold superiors accountable for crimes committed by their subordinates. Adopting similar measures in the DRC would force rebel groups and government forces alike to take active steps to prevent sexual violence.
Localized legal empowerment could also help women protect themselves before violence occurs. Expanding community legal education programs in rural areas would ensure that women know their rights and have access to immediate legal protection such as restraining orders and emergency shelters. Organizations like the Association des Femmes Juristes Congolaises (AFEJUCO) a Congolese legal advocacy group that provides legal aid and promotes gender equality, have already demonstrated the power of such legal assistance programs. Scaling them up across the country could create a powerful deterrent against gender-based violence.
Financial concerns are another sphere where women are greatly affected. Women in conflict zones are disproportionately vulnerable to violence due to economic dependency and displacement. Creating economic security zones — areas where women receive prioritized employment, education, and financial assistance — could help break this cycle. These zones could be integrated into existing refugee camps and urban settlements where displaced women live. Programs offering microfinance loans, vocational training, and guaranteed employment for women at risk would provide an alternative to survival strategies that often place them in harm’s way. A report on protection crises in eastern DRC highlights that displaced women, particularly in refugee camps, face heightened risks of sexual violence due to economic vulnerability. Ensuring access to financial independence can significantly reduce these risks and provide a pathway to safety.
Additionally, there must be a focus on disrupting the war economy that fuels violence against women. Many armed groups finance their operations through illicit mineral trade; enforcing stricter mineral regulations during conflict and providing alternative economic opportunities for men drawn into rebel groups could weaken the financial incentives that drive conflict-related sexual violence. Reports have shown that armed groups exploit the mineral trade to fund their operations, perpetuating cycles of violence where sexual violence is used as a tool of war and coercion. The Center on International Cooperation highlights how the illicit extraction and sale of minerals contribute to prolonged instability, creating conditions where women are disproportionately targeted. Women in mining areas are often subjected to forced labor, sexual exploitation, and systemic abuse as armed groups assert control over resource-rich territories.
Historically, women have largely been excluded from peace negotiations in the DRC, despite being primary victims of war crimes. Yet, research has consistently shown that peace agreements including women are more likely to be successful and sustainable. Studies indicate that when women participate in peace processes, the resulting agreement is 20% more likely to last at least two years, and 35% more likely to endure for 15 years. Any future peace talks involving rebel groups must require women’s direct participation — not just as symbolic representatives, but as key negotiators shaping security and justice policies.
One radical yet necessary proposal is to condition international aid on gender-based security provisions in peace agreements. If rebel groups or government forces refuse to commit to concrete protections for women, including the disarmament of fighters responsible for sexual violence, they should be denied access to diplomatic negotiations and funding. Such conditions could create strong incentives for change.
The massacre at Munzenze prison cannot become just another entry in the long list of gender-based atrocities in the DRC. The cycle of reaction — condemnation, delayed investigations, and weak prosecutions — has failed to protect women. Amnesty International noted that no meaningful progress has been made towards accountability and justice for victims of crimes under international law in the DRC. This ongoing failure underscores the need for systemic change.
Instead, the focus must shift to prevention: preemptive security measures, legal frameworks that deter violence, economic empowerment, and a peace process that prioritizes women’s safety. For too long, women in the DRC have been treated as collateral damage in a war between competing factions. It is time to center them in the conversation — not as victims, but as active agents of security and stability. Only then can lasting change be achieved.